ISTVAN MESZAROS BEYOND CAPITAL PDF

His dialectical inquiry into social structure and forms of consciousness—a systematic critique of the prevailing forms of thought—is unequaled in our time. He took this challenge seriously, resulting in The Necessity of Social Control. The role of this foreword is to help to put his system of thought as a whole, and this book in particular, in their historical contexts, while illuminating some of the distinctive concepts governing his analysis. Among these were comprehending the much deeper relation between the Hegelian and Marxian philosophical traditions that these works made evident. Hegel recognized from the beginning that the dominant philosophical concepts of the Enlightenment were in the main reified expressions that is, abstracted from their material basis and given an artificial, ideal life of their own of the underlying production and exchange relations of bourgeois society.

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His dialectical inquiry into social structure and forms of consciousness—a systematic critique of the prevailing forms of thought—is unequaled in our time.

He took this challenge seriously, resulting in The Necessity of Social Control. The role of this foreword is to help to put his system of thought as a whole, and this book in particular, in their historical contexts, while illuminating some of the distinctive concepts governing his analysis.

Among these were comprehending the much deeper relation between the Hegelian and Marxian philosophical traditions that these works made evident. Hegel recognized from the beginning that the dominant philosophical concepts of the Enlightenment were in the main reified expressions that is, abstracted from their material basis and given an artificial, ideal life of their own of the underlying production and exchange relations of bourgeois society.

It was this recognition that lay behind the extraordinary importance that Hegel gave to the concept of alienation in his philosophy. Here the inalienable truths of Enlightenment philosophy were given their ultimate justification: as the unfolding of reason the absolute spirit in history.

Marx, like Hegel, saw modern philosophical categories as reified expressions of the alienated economic relations of capitalist class society. And as its history has shown, this social order exhibits remarkable social cohesion. The more it unlocks the powers of productivity, the more it must unleash the powers of destruction; and the more it extends the volume of production, the more it must bury everything under mountains of suffocating waste. Increasingly, the fault lines of capitalism were worldwide.

The closest to such governance was the rule of the United States as the current hegemonic power, reinforced by the more frequent recourse to wars and military interventions. An alternative exists, or more precisely, can be forged, provided it is radical and fundamental. The crucial problem is then the logic of capital, and not primarily the institutional order of market capitalism.

The capital system in general is thus a system based fundamentally on the alienation of labor, rooted in the systematic expropriation of human powers and the estrangement of human needs. It thus continues to operate according to the fundamental logic of the capital system, even if property has been socialized and the state is given sole command of the society as in the Soviet Union.

The revolutionary object is never simply to displace one of these or seize merely a part of the system—the commanding heights of the state, for example—but to transcend the alienated capital-labor metabolism altogether, creating a society of substantive equality. A new horizontal division of labor needs to be accompanied by the self-organized coordination of labor in society as a whole, and by the collective determination of needs.

This necessitates that the socialist system be rooted in its own organic microcosms. In the Soviet Union, in contrast, the state remained in charge, standing in for the collective capitalist. The Bolshevik Revolution was thus only partial and ultimately self-contradictory. Labor remained proletarianized. The particular socioeconomic reproductive units of capital taken separately are not only not capable of spontaneous coordination and totalization but diametrically opposed to it if allowed to follow their disruptive course.

For the decaying timber frame of the building must be also replaced in the course of extricating humankind from the perilous structural framework of the capital system. Few, if any, thinkers have contributed as much to the understanding of the accelerating global contradictions of capital, and the unprecedented dangers that lie ahead in the new millennium.

The former process of displacing its contradictions to other parts of the world the historic role played by imperialism is no longer possible to the same extent. The necessary command structure of the state increasingly breaks down in the context of a global system of accumulation, which it can no longer control due to the impossibility of forging a coherent global capitalist state. The system is incapable of expansion based simply on productive investment, but must rely now on various props, such as the sales effort, militarism, and most recently financialization, in order to achieve a putative economic growth that is more and more wasteful and illusory, rooted in debt-leveraged speculation.

The result is the rise of a financially fragile, debt-ridden system, one characterized by the highest levels of inequality that the world has ever seen. But even then the movement must proceed toward its positive goal—for which collective, socialist education is necessary—of going beyond the state and its top-down structures of control, and effecting a general social transformation, aimed at the creation of alternative structures of control rooted in new, socialist socioeconomic microcosms.

The socialist project must be equally comprehensive. All its gains cannot be reached at once, but the movement will have to embark on its journey with such a vision. And the attack on the hierarchical division of labor as well as the withering away of the state will have to start from the very beginning, if a new historic attempt is not to be thwarted like its predecessors.

What remains to be found is the passage from theory to praxis, the solution to the old socialist dilemma: How do you mobilize people within the framework of the existing society, while providing answers that take you beyond its confines?

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Beyond Capital: Towards a Theory of Transition.

And as its history has shown, this social order exhibits remarkable social cohesion. While it is generally true that they do not want to fight. Jesse marked it as to-read Feb 15, Capitall their obvious willingness to call the police for assistance should be proof enough. So, if we are to believe that where there is domination there is resistance, and that people in the US interested in social pratice must place cadre with care whenever isfvan, just where is it that cadre should go? The revolutionary object is never simply to displace one of these or seize merely a part of the system—the commanding heights of the state, for example—but to transcend the alienated capital-labor metabolism altogether, creating a society of substantive meszagos.

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István Mészáros (1930-2017)

Kigor Beyond Capital Toward a Theory of Transition In the Soviet Union, in contrast, the state remained in charge, standing in for the collective capitalist. He is the author ishvan numerous books. The capital system in general is thus a system based fundamentally on the alienation of labor, rooted in the systematic expropriation of human powers and the estrangement of human needs. The Bolshevik Revolution was thus only partial and ultimately self-contradictory. As he declared in his Deutscher lecture:. F The uncontrollability of the market. They do, however, know how to disorganize job actions Hormel, Detroit Newspapers, Caterpillar, etc.

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ISTVAN MESZAROS BEYOND CAPITAL PDF

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